Grozny (Russian: Грозный, IPA: [ˈgroznɨj]; Chechen: Соьлжа-ГӀала, romanised: Sölƶa-Ġala) is the capital city of Chechnya, Russia. The city lies on the Sunzha River. According to the 2021 census, it had a population of 328,533, up from 210,720 recorded in the 2002 census, but still less than the 399,688 recorded in the 1989 census prior to destruction of the city in two wars in Chechnya. It was previously known as Groznaya (until 1870).
In Russian, "Grozny" means "fearsome", "menacing", or "redoubtable", the same word as in Ivan Grozny (Ivan the Terrible). While the official name in Chechen is the same, informally the city is known as "Соьлжа-Гӏала" ("Sölƶa-Ġala"), which literally means "the city (гӏала) on the Sunzha River (Соьлжа)".
In 1997, the authorities of the Chechen republic of Ichkeria renamed the city Dzhokhar-Ghala (Chechen: Джохар-ГӀала, romanised: Dƶoxar-Ġala), literally Dzhokhar City, or Dzhokhar/Djohar for short, after Dzhokhar Dudayev, the first president of the republic, who was killed in the First Chechen War. In December 2005, the Chechen parliament voted to rename the city Akhmad-Ghala (Chechen: Ахмад-ГIала, romanised: Axmad-Ġala), after Akhmad Kadyrov) – a proposition which was rejected by his son Ramzan Kadyrov, the prime minister at the time and later president of the republic.
The fortress of Groznaya (Гро́зная; lit. fearsome – a feminine form of Grozny, as the word fortress, "крепость", is feminine in Russian) was founded in 1818 as a Russian military outpost on the Sunzha River by general Aleksey Petrovich Yermolov. As the fort was being built, the workers were fired upon by the Chechens. The Russians found a solution by strategically positioning a cannon outside the city walls. When night fell and the Chechens came out of their hiding places to drag the gun away, all the other guns opened up with grapeshot. When the Chechens recovered their senses and began to carry away the bodies, the guns fired again. When it was over, 200 dead were counted. Thus did the "fearsome" fort receive its baptism of fire. It was a prominent defence centre during the Caucasian War.
Russian poets Alexander Griboedov, Alexander Polezhayev, Mikhail Lermontov, the classic of Russian literature Leo Tolstoy, the Decembrist and writer Alexander Bestuzhev and other famous figures of Russian culture visited the fortress. After the annexation of the region by the Russian Empire, the military use of the old fortress was obsolete and on 11 January 1870 [O.S. 30 December 1869] it was granted town status and renamed Grozny, as the word town, "город", is masculine in Russian. As most of the residents there were Terek Cossacks, the town grew slowly until the development of oil reserves in the early 20th century. The founder of the Nobel Prize, Alfred Nobel, took part in the development of the oil industry of the city of Grozny, as well as members of the Rothschild family. In addition to the Nobels and Rothschilds, British companies played an important role in the oil industry from 1893 onward. Alfred Stuart, an English engineer, completed the first well in Grozny by drilling in 1893 the largest oil field in the Caucasus region outside the Baku district.
Eleven firms drilled 116 wells before 1900. This encouraged the rapid development of industry and petrochemical production. In addition to the oil drilled in the city itself, the city became a geographical centre of Russia's network of oil fields, and in 1893 became part of the Transcaucasia–Russia-proper railway. The result was the population almost doubled from 15,600 in 1897 to 30,400 in 1913. In early 1914, the then largest oil company, Royal Dutch Shell, was established in the city thus making Grozny one of the largest industrial centres of the Caucasus. During the Russian Empire, the city was the administrative capital of the Groznensky Okrug of the Terek Oblast.
One day after the October Revolution, on 8 November 1917, the Bolsheviks headed by N. Anisimov seized Grozny. As the Russian Civil War escalated, the Proletariat formed the 12th Red Army, and the garrison held out against numerous attacks by Terek Cossacks from 11 August to 12 November 1918. However, with the arrival of Denikin's armies, the Bolsheviks were forced to withdraw and Grozny was captured on 4 February 1919, by the White Army. Underground operations were carried out, but only the arrival of the Caucasus front of the Red Army in 1920 allowed the city to permanently end up with the Russian SFSR on 17 March. Simultaneously it became part of the Soviet Mountain Republic, which was formed on 20 January 1921, and was the capital of the Chechen National Okrug inside it.
On 30 November 1922, the mountain republic was dissolved, and the national okrug became the Chechen Autonomous Oblast (Chechen AO) with Grozny as the administrative centre. At this time most of the population was still Russian, but of Cossack descent. As Cossacks were viewed as a potential threat to the Soviet nation, Moscow actively encouraged the migration of Chechens into the city from the mountains. In 1934 the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Oblast was formed, becoming the Chechen-Ingush ASSR in 1936.
Due to its oil, Grozny with Maykop were the main strategic objectives of the German Fall Blau operation in summer of 1942 (See Battle of the Caucasus).
The failure to take Grozny was a major defeat for Germany and was a factor in holding fast at the Battle of Stalingrad, as that city could have served as a base from which to take Grozny or cut off oil supplies up the Volga River from Astrakhan. The failure to prioritise Grozny, even transferring critical Panzer divisions north to the Siege of Leningrad, was a major factor in Adolf Hitler taking operational level control of the Wehrmacht from his generals who had repeatedly prioritised the two major cities over the oil supplies – against Hitler's express orders. Soviet doctrine however never failed to prioritise the food of Ukraine nor the oil of the Caucasus, which resulted in drastic action after Germany's expulsion/retreat in 1943.
In 1944, the entire population of Chechens and Ingush was deported after being falsely accused of collaborating with advancing armed forces of Nazi Germany. Large numbers of people who were not deemed fit for transport were "liquidated" on the spot, and the adverse situation with transport and the stay in Siberia caused many deaths as well. According to internal NKVD data, a total of 144,704 died in 1944–1948 alone (death rate of 23.5% per all groups). Authors such as Alexander Nekrich, John Dunlop and Moshe Gammer, based on census data from the period estimate a death toll of about 170,000–200,000 among Chechens alone, thus ranging from over a third of the total Chechen population that was deported to nearly half dying during those four years (rates for other groups for those four years hover around 20%). All traces of them in the city, including books and graveyards, were destroyed by the NKVD troops. The act was recognised by the European Parliament as an act of genocide in 2004.
Grozny became the administrative centre of Grozny Oblast of the Russian SFSR, and the city at the time was again wholly Russian. In 1957, the Chechen-Ingush ASSR was restored, and the Chechens were allowed to return. The return of the Chechens to Grozny, which had been lacking of Nakh for thirteen years, would cause massive disruptions to the social, economic and political systems of what had been a Russian city for the period until their return. This caused a self-feeding cycle of ethnic conflict between the two groups, both believing the other's presence in the city was illegitimate. Once again migration of non-Russians into Grozny continued whilst the ethnic Russian population, in turn, moved to other parts of the USSR, notably the Baltic states, after inter-ethnic conflict broke out briefly in 1958.
According to sociologist Georgy Derluguyan, the Checheno-Ingush Republic's economy was divided into two spheres – much like French settler-ruled Algeria – and the Russian sphere had all the jobs with higher salaries, while non-Russians were systematically kept out of all government positions. Russians (as well as Ukrainians and Armenians) worked in education, health, oil, machinery, and social services. Non-Russians (excluding Ukrainians and Armenians) worked in agriculture, construction, a long host of undesirable jobs, as well as the so-called "informal sector" (i.e. illegal, due to the mass discrimination in the legal sector).